A review of Death Rides Out: Imperialism in the 21st Century by Tomáš Tengely-Evans (Bookmarks, 2026), £10
We live in a time of deep crisis: the potential bursting of the AI bubble threatens to further destabilise an already fragile global economy; Britain has just experienced its hottest summer since records began; and fascists are on the march across Europe. Increasingly violent rivalries between different global and regional powers are another dimension of this crisis. The war in Ukraine, in which Russia is confronting the NATO states, has claimed the lives of hundreds of thousands of civilians and common soldiers. Israel is committing a genocide in Palestine while expanding into Lebanon and, together with the United States, attacking Iran. Britain not only supports states such as Ukraine and Israel, but Andy Burnham has also recommitted to Keir Starmer’s defence spending target—3.5 percent of gross domestic product by 2035—whereas an end to austerity and social cuts is nowhere in sight.1
In this context, Socialist Worker editor Tomáš Tengely-Evans has written Death Rides Out: Imperialism in the 21st Century. By engaging with history and different theories of imperialism, the book sets out a framework for analysing what we are currently facing and also discusses common arguments in the anti-war movement. It is not an academic contribution, but one of the few works explicitly written for activists campaigning on the ground.
There is immense value in (re-)reading classic Marxist texts of the 19th and 20th century, and many contain lessons we can easily apply to today. However, capitalism also constantly throws up new challenges. Treating any text dogmatically while applying it to new situations can lead to serious errors. This is particularly true for the various approaches to imperialism. Pioneering Marxists “had to grapple with seismic changes in the world around them”, such as the outbreak of the First World War and isolation within an international left that largely voiced support for the war.2 In order to learn from the approaches formulated at the time, we always have to take the historical background into account. Tengely-Evans succeeds in exactly doing this, drawing out the strongest aspects these Marxists have to offer, from the economic rigour of Nikolai Bukharin to Lenin’s emphasis on capitalist competition and the way it drives the ever more brutal system.3
Yet, Tengely-Evans does not stop here; his analysis extends beyond the early theorists of imperialism. After the Second World War, a dogmatic reading of many of the foundational texts helped to obscure the forms of competition between US and Soviet imperialism. For example, in the post-war period, the US also managed to build its hegemony through “soft power”, and European colonialism was broadly dismantled as a result of national liberation movements.4 The fact that Soviet imperialism, which then came to the fore, was imperialism at all was and is frequently downplayed or dismissed by many on the left. Here, Tengely-Evans briefly restates Tony Cliff’s theory, rooted in classical Marxist insights, that “the state bureaucracy [in Russia] had developed into a new ruling class”, and, armed with this context, he traces the role it played in international competition.5
The collapse of the Soviet Union and the rise of China each initiated new phases in the state system. Tengely-Evans’s helpful examination of the economic competition for rare earth minerals between today’s superpowers—the US and China—offers insight into the nature of their relations and the impact on other conflicts. He analyses “East Asia [as the new] most dynamic region of global capitalism” and the Middle East, with Israel as “a powerful capitalist state, no longer wholly dependent on US aid” despite also “remain[ing] the watchdog state of US imperialism” in the region, in some detail.6
In his book, Tengely-Evans formulates a dynamic and relational approach to imperialism, therefore following the International Socialist tradition developed by thinkers such as Alex Callinicos and Chris Harman.7 Imperialism is “a global system of competing capitalist states”, and he encourages readers to judge the position and nature of different states through the totality of their relations with the international political landscape.8 The “constant fluctuation of the relative power of different nation-states” changes this landscape constantly, meaning each new development must be taken into account when the balance of power is being estimated. He also follows this tradition in asserting repeatedly the necessity of social struggles to challenge both imperialism and capitalism.
Towards the end, Tengely-Evans argues against two influential left-wing views. One is a class-reductionist argument claiming that there is no difference at all between capitalist states, and they all must be criticised equally. Another common argument is that the fight of certain states against Western imperialist powers makes them fundamentally progressive forces that must be defended. This view is “often put forward by those who argue that China or Russia are not imperialist powers but merely react ‘defensively’”, as popularised by proponents of Dependency Theory. Through a “tick box” definition of what makes a state imperialist, this position risks giving left-wing cover to dictatorships.9 Tengely-Evans instead emphasises the importance of standing unequivocally against, and directing the bulk of our energy and activity towards, combatting our own ruling class—the British state, along with NATO and the US—while not portraying support for other capitalist or even imperialist states in conflict with them as a progressive alternative. This discussion clearly helps activists to orient themselves in the practical struggles in which they are engaged.
Death Rides Out is an important contribution. We urgently need to re-build the anti-imperialist movement—and the hundreds of thousands who marched in London against the genocide in Palestine and the Italian general strike for Gaza show what is possible.10 Tengely-Evans offers a clarifying analysis rooted in earlier writings on imperialism. Every reader should come away from this book equipped to agitate for genuine struggle—in their workplace or university and on the streets.
Ramsis Kilani is a revolutionary socialist in Germany and a member of the Sozialismus von unten (Socialism from Below) group.
Notes
1 Sabbagh, 2026.
2 Tengely-Evans, 2026, p7.
3 Bukharin, 1972; Lenin, 1963.
4 Tengely-Evans, 2026, p32, 47.
5 Tengely-Evans, 2026, p36.
6 Tengely-Evans, 2026, p65, p97. See also Alexander, 2024.
7 See, for example, Callinicos, 2009; Harman, 2003.
8 Tengely-Evans, 2026, p92.
9 Tengely-Evans, 2026, p27.
10 See Pradella, 2025.
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